奧巴馬對中國說過什麼話

『壹』 奧巴馬中國行時說了一句文言文，請求這句話的原話（英語）還有古文的意譯

：「Thousands of years ago, the great philosopher Mencius said：『A trail through the mountains, if used, becomes a path in a short time, but, if unused, becomes blocked by grass in an equally short time.』」 (山徑之蹊間，介做閉然用之而成路；為間不用，則茅塞之矣閉鉛。今茅塞子之心矣 —《孟子•純態裂盡心下》)。

『貳』 奧巴馬訪華說：「美中兩國有很多重要的共同利益」這句話原文是怎樣說的

Below are the full remarks, as prepared for delivery and released by the White House:

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Good morning. It is a great honor to welcome you to the first meeting of the Strategic Economic Dialogue between the United States and China. This is an essential step in advancing a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship between our countries. I'm pleased that President Hu shares my commitment to a sustained dialogue to enhance our shared interests.

President Hu and I both felt that it was important to get our relationship off to a good start. Of course, as a new President and also as a basketball fan, I have learned from the words of Yao Ming, who said, "No matter whether you are new or an old team member, you need time to adjust to one another." Well, through the constructive meetings that we've already had, and through this dialogue, I'm confident that we will meet Yao's standard.

I want to acknowledge the remarkable American and Chinese leaders who will co-chair this effort. Hillary Clinton and Tim Geithner are two of my closest advisors, and they have both obtained extraordinary experience working with China. And I know that they will have extremely capable and committed Chinese counterparts in State Councilor Dai and Vice Premier Wang. Thank you very much for being here.

I'm also looking forward to the confirmation of an outstanding U.S. Ambassador to China, Governor Jon Huntsman, who is here today. (Applause.) Jon has deep experience living and working in Asia, and -- unlike me -- he speaks fluent Mandarin Chinese. He also happens to be a Republican who co-chaired Senator McCain's campaign. And I think that demonstrates Jon's commitment to serving his country, and the broad, bipartisan support for positive and proctive relations between the United States and China. So thank you, Jon, for your willingness to serve.

Today, we meet in a building that speaks to the history of the last century. It houses a national memorial to President Woodrow Wilson, a man who held office when the 20th century was still young, and America's leadership in the world was emerging. It is named for Ronald Reagan, a man who came of age ring two World Wars, and whose presidency helped usher in a new era of history. And it holds a piece of the Berlin Wall, a decades-long symbol of division that was finally torn down, unleashing a rising tide of globalization that continues to shape our world.

One hundred years ago -- in the early days of the 20th century -- it was clear that there were momentous choices to be made -- choices about the borders of nations and the rights of human beings. But in Woodrow Wilson's day, no one could have foreseen the arc of history that led to a wall coming down in Berlin, nor could they have imagined the conflict and upheaval that characterized the years in between. For people everywhere -- from Boston to Beijing -- the 20th century was a time of great progress, but that progress also came with a great price.

Today, we look out on the horizon of a new century. And as we launch this dialogue, it's important for us to reflect upon the questions that will shape the 21st century. Will growth be stalled by events like our current financial crisis, or will we cooperate to create balanced and sustainable growth, lifting more people out of poverty and creating a broader prosperity around the world? Will the need for energy breed competition and climate change, or will we build partnerships to proce clean power and to protect our planet? Will nuclear weapons spread unchecked, or will we forge a new consensus to use this power for only peaceful purposes? Will extremists be able to stir conflict and division, or will we unite on behalf of our shared security? Will nations and peoples define themselves solely by their differences, or can we find common ground necessary to meet our common challenges, and to respect the dignity of every human being?

We can't predict with certainty what the future will bring, but we can be certain about the issues that will define our times. And we also know this: The relationship between the United States and China will shape the 21st century, which makes it as important as any bilateral relationship in the world. That really must underpin our partnership. That is the responsibility that together we bear.

As we look to the future, we can learn from our past -- for history shows us that both our nations benefit from engagement that is grounded in mutual interest and mutual respect. During my time in office, we will mark the 40th anniversary of President Nixon's trip to China. At that time, the world was much different than it is today. America had fought three wars in East Asia in just 30 years, and the Cold War was in a stalemate. China's economy was cut off from the world, and a huge percentage of the Chinese people lived in extreme poverty.

Back then, our dialogue was guided by a narrow focus on our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a comprehensive relationship that reflects the deepening ties among our people. Our countries have now shared relations for longer than we were estranged. Our people interact in so many ways. And I believe that we are poised to make steady progress on some of the most important issues of our times.

My confidence is rooted in the fact that the United States and China share mutual interests. If we advance those interests through cooperation, our people will benefit and the world will be better off -- because our ability to partner with each other is a prerequisite for progress on many of the most pressing global challenges.

Let me name some of those challenges. First, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in a lasting economic recovery. The current crisis has made it clear that the choices made within our borders reverberate across the global economy -- and this is true not just in New York and Seattle, but in Shanghai and Shenzhen, as well. That is why we must remain committed to strong bilateral and multilateral coordination. And that is the example we have set by acting aggressively to restore growth, to prevent a deeper recession and to save jobs for our people.

Going forward, we can deepen this cooperation. We can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform. We can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced Doha Round agreement. We can update international institutions so that growing economies like China play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility. And as Americans save more and Chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation -- because just as China has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, China can also be an enormous market for American goods.

Second, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a clean, secure, and prosperous energy future. The United States and China are the two largest consumers of energy in the world. We are also the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world. Let's be frank: Neither of us profits from a growing dependence on foreign oil, nor can we spare our people from the ravages of climate change unless we cooperate. Common sense calls upon us to act in concert.

Both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies. Together we can chart a low carbon recovery; we can expand joint efforts at research and development to promote the clean and efficient use of energy; and we can work together to forge a global response at the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen and beyond. And the best way to foster the innovation that can increase our security and prosperity is to keep our markets open to new ideas, new exchanges, and new sources of energy.

Third, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. Make no mistake: The more nations acquire these weapons, the more likely it is that they will be used. Neither America nor China has an interest in a terrorist acquiring a bomb, or a nuclear arms race breaking out in East Asia. That is why we must continue our collaboration to achieve the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and make it clear to North Korea that the path to security and respect can be traveled if they meet their obligations. And that is why we must also be united in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and urging the Islamic Republic to live up to its international obligations.

This is not about singling out any one nation -- it is about the responsibility of all nations. Together, we must cooperate to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world, which will be a focus of our Global Nuclear Summit next year. And together, we must strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty by renewing its basic bargain: countries with nuclear weapons will move towards disarmament; countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them; and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy. A balance of terror cannot hold. In the 21st century, a strong and global regime is the only basis for security from the world's deadliest weapons.

And fourth, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in confronting transnational threats. The most pressing dangers we face no longer come from competition among great powers -- they come from extremists who would murder innocents; from traffickers and pirates who pursue their own profits at the expense of others; from diseases that know no borders; and from suffering and civil wars that breed instability and terror. These are the threats of the 21st century. And that is why the pursuit of power among nations must no longer be seen as a zero-sum game. Progress -- including security -- must be shared.

Through increased ties between our militaries, we can diminish causes for dispute while providing a framework for cooperation. Through continued intelligence-sharing, we can disrupt terrorist plots and dismantle terrorist networks. Through early warning and coordination, we can check the spread of disease. And through determined diplomacy, we must meet our responsibility to seek the peaceful resolution of conflict -- and that can begin with a renewed push to end the suffering in Darfur, and to promote a comprehensive peace in Sudan.

All of these issues are rooted in the fact that no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor effectively advance its interests in isolation. It is this fundamental truth that compels us to cooperate. I have no illusion that the United States and China will agree on every issue, nor choose to see the world in the same way. This was already noted by our previous speaker. But that only makes dialogue more important -- so that we can know each other better, and communicate our concerns with candor.

For instance, the United States respects the progress that China has made by lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. Just as we respect China's ancient and remarkable culture, its remarkable achievements, we also strongly believe that the religion and culture of all peoples must be respected and protected, and that all people should be free to speak their minds. And that includes ethnic and religious minorities in China, as surely as it includes minorities within the United States.

Support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in America. Our nation is made up of immigrants from every part of the world. We have protected our unity and struggled to perfect our union by extending basic rights to all our people. And those rights include the freedom to speak your mind, to worship your God, and to choose your leaders. These are not things that we seek to impose -- this is who we are. It guides our openness to one another and to the world.

China has its own distinct story that shapes its own worldview. And Americans know the richness of China's history because it helped to shape the world and it helped to shape America. We know the talent of the Chinese people because they have helped to create this great country. My own Cabinet contains two Chinese Americans. And we know that despite our differences, America is enriched through deeper ties with a country of 1.3 billion people that is at once ancient and dynamic -- ties that can be forged through increased exchanges among our people, and constructive bilateral relations between our governments. That is how we will narrow our divisions.

Let us be honest: We know that some are wary of the future. Some in China think that America will try to contain China's ambitions; some in America think that there is something to fear in a rising China. I take a different view. And I believe President Hu takes a different view, as well. I believe in a future where China is a strong, prosperous and successful member of the community of nations; a future when our nations are partners out of necessity, but also out of opportunity. This future is not fixed, but it is a destination that can be reached if we pursue a sustained dialogue like the one that you will commence today, and act on what we hear and what we learn.

Thousands of years ago, the great philosopher Mencius said: "A trail through the mountains, if used, becomes a path in a short time, but, if unused, becomes blocked by grass in an equally short time." Our task is to forge a path to the future that we seek for our children -- to prevent mistrust or the inevitable differences of the moment from allowing that trail to be blocked by grass; to always be mindful of the journey that we are undertaking together.

This dialogue will help determine the ultimate destination of that journey. It represents a commitment to shape our young century through sustained cooperation, and not confrontation. I look forward to carrying this effort forward through my first visit to China, where I hope to come to know better your leaders, your people, and your majestic country. Together, I'm confident that we can move steadily in the direction of progress, and meet our responsibility to our people and to the future that we will all share.

Thank you very much. (Applause.)

『叄』 奧巴馬說中國14億人，不配擁有美國人的生活方式，他為啥這樣說

奧巴馬是美國的前前任總統，他曾經來中國訪問過幾次，而且還被中國網民起了一個比較文藝的名字，叫奧觀海，表面上看起來，奧巴馬跟中國比較友好，可實際上奧巴馬卻對中國有很多的異常看法，奧巴馬曾經制定過一個所謂的TPP計劃，簡單來說就是將中國孤立起來，拉攏其他國家，遏制中國的發展，不讓中國實現崛起。奧巴馬甚至還在一次媒體采訪中表示，14億中國人，不配擁有美國人現在的生活方式，他為何會這么說呢？

平心而論，奧巴馬所在的美國確實有很多的問題，他們應該早點反思自己的所作所為，盡可能的改變自己的生活方式，節省自然資源，避免對自然環境造成破壞。如果他們繼續按照現在的生活方式，肆意妄為的話，早晚會引來致命的災難。我們應該以美國的情況為反面教材，引以為戒，不要做出跟他們一樣愚蠢的事情，同時我們也應該積極採取行動，幫助美國盡快解決問題，不要讓他們繼續揮霍。

『肆』 奧巴馬說，如果讓十三億中國人過上我們一樣的生活，那將是一種災難！那誰能告訴我，中國人過上好日子就是

意思是森舉襲全球的資源就是這么多，如果讓中國人用了對美國和整個西方世界來說就是一場巨大的災難！所以美國和整個西方是以滅亡中國，滅亡中國人為第一要務的，會用盡政治，軍事，外交，甚至是生物武器，所以國人一定要擦亮眼睛，美帝亡我之心不死，以前不會死，現在不會死，將來更不會死！不會因為更換總統而發生任何改變，這是它的國策。對它再好，掏心掏肺都是沒用的，它還此兄是會吃人的，所以我們要拋棄一切對美國答襲的幻想，不是美帝死就死我們亡，沒有第二條路！

『伍』 應當怎樣解讀奧巴馬的對華政策

奧巴馬的對華政策的主導性文件列舉了經濟、政治、軍事、環境等等多方面的問題，可以說是中美關系的一個清單。關於中國經濟，奧巴馬說：「如果中國希望繼續保持穩定而持久的經濟發展，就必須作出一些根本上的調整。」他批評中國的發展不均衡，希望中國政府能夠繼續擴大內需。而在中美經貿關繫上，奧巴馬認為核心的問題是中國必須改變匯率政策。他說：「由於中國認為地制定低貨幣匯率政策，使中國經常性地保持了巨大的國際收支順差。」所以，他上台之後會利用一切可行的外交途徑來推動中國改變貨幣政策。另外，他還批評了中國方面對知識產權的侵權行為，以及對外國投資實施的歧視性法規。

麥凱恩的政策文件簡短而集中，經貿問題占據了主要的篇幅。他認為，對華關系是美國面臨的主要挑戰之一。下一屆總統必須優先考慮擴大美國與亞洲的經濟關系。他批評民主黨的對手，說他們害怕亞洲的經濟活力，因而提倡設旅灶立貿易保護主義壁壘的做法。他說：「美國從來沒有通過放棄自由貿易而贏得過尊重或者創造出就業機會，我們現在也不能這樣去做。」不過麥凱恩也提出，中國必須實現開放市場的承諾，並且保證執行國際貿易規則、保護知識產權、降低製造業關稅、貨幣匯率向市場化過渡。在環境問題上，麥凱恩提出美國可以向各個發展中國家提供控制碳排放的技術。

在這兩位總統候選人的政策文件的字里行間中，人們可以看到有三個大的利益集團在對華政策上有重大的影響，而仔細研究者兩個短短的文件，也能夠推測到不同的政黨在執政後會採用什麼樣的方針。這三個影響最大的利益集團分別是工商界、勞工界、環境保護主義者。

在全球化的大環境下，兩黨從原則上都支持中美之間貿易關系的發展，這也是美國工商界的主流一直在尋求的目標。但是，民主黨與勞工屆與環保人士的關系顯然比拆舉扮共和黨遠為深厚，因此對貿易提出的條件也要多得多。

勞工界是貿易保護呼聲最高的地方。在過去十年中，勞工界一直強調，全球化特別是對華貿易的增加導致了美國工作大量外流，製造業起碼失去了三百多萬個崗位。工會不斷在通過各種政治渠道，要求樹立貿易壁壘。由於工會能夠左右大約百分之二十的選票，歷來是民答困主黨的票倉，而且在一些最重要的所謂「搖擺州」——包括俄亥俄、賓夕法尼亞、密西根等工業重鎮——中力量強大，所以民主黨的候選人不敢忽視勞工界的要求。（民主黨的許多國會議員近年來也總是在要求中國提高匯率。）奧巴馬的文件中之所以強調貨幣匯率問題，正是為了順應勞工界。

環保人士同樣多是民主黨的擁躉。近年來，勞工界與環保界在貿易保護問題上聯手頗多，許多環保團體也得到了勞工組織的大量金錢和政治的資助。環保團體多強調通過政府的干預來實現環保的目標，包括在國內的法律法規以及國際貿易中的各種協議。所以，在奧巴馬的文件中著重提到的是溫室氣體排放協議和國家之間的合作關系。

共和黨與工商界關系相對比較密切，與勞工界歷來不睦。麥凱恩直截了當地批評任何設置貿易壁壘的意圖，就反映了這種長期的政治分合關系。這位言語直率的共和黨人不久前在密西根州對汽車工人說，失去的工作不可能再回來。因此，在這個文件中，麥凱恩提出解決失業的辦法是對工人進行再培訓，幫助他們找到新的就業機會。

在引人注目的環保問題上，共和黨主張更多地依賴市場及技術革新而不是政府的法規或者協議，因此在麥凱恩的中國政策文件中，人們看到他專門提到低碳技術轉讓的問題。

最後需要指出的是，民主黨和共和黨的文件中都體現了一種共同的精神，亦即希望與中國繼續發展合作性的關系，盡管他們也都承認，兩國關系面臨著不少困難的挑戰。「美中兩國之間的雙邊經濟關系是全球最大、最重要的經濟關系之一。美國與中國分別是世界第一大和第三大貿易國。最近幾年，中國已經成為美國增長最快的主要出口市場。」奧巴馬文件中的這段話，基本上總結了中美經貿關系發展的現狀。而麥凱恩的文件中的一段話，則反映了美國對華經貿關系的基本精神：「中國和美國並非註定是對手。我們有許多共同利益，我希望看到兩國的關系朝著對雙邊、進而對亞太地區和全世界都有利的方向發展。」

『陸』 奧巴馬對中國怎麼樣

個人認為：奧巴馬上任之初，就主張從阿富汗、伊拉克撤軍，轉移戰略中心，重返亞太。實際上對美國而言這個思路是沒問題的。如果按照這個思路下去，我相信美國的處境會好不少。但是奧巴馬是個沉不住氣的人，他看到阿拉伯世界似乎有變動的趨向，立即去支持阿拉伯之春，打著民主旗號藉助教派斗爭去擴張西方勢力，結果在敘利亞遭遇久攻不下。此時奧巴馬偏偏不堅決，最後還是普京搞了個銷毀化武讓奧黑有台階下，最後敘利亞政府軍逐漸控制住局面。這還沒完，美國橫加干涉中東，如今終於搞出了ISIS，讓奧巴馬不得不在中東趟入渾水，進退維谷。
而烏克蘭危機就更是美國的一大戰略失誤。奧巴馬顯然沒有意識到最重要的兩點：一是烏克蘭是俄羅斯作為大國存在的戰略基石，保住烏克蘭對俄羅斯來說就是背水一戰，二是俄羅斯目前依然是個強大的國家，在烏克蘭、黑海更是占據明顯的力量優勢。奧巴馬見烏克蘭國內有變，以為可以就此向東推進直插俄羅斯心臟，沒想到把一個最擅長背水一戰的強國逼到了背水一戰的境地，結果仍然是遭遇久攻不下，而且關鍵時刻又服軟，讓西方在烏克蘭形勢不妙，還被普京搶光了風頭。
奧巴馬分別在中東和烏克蘭沉不住氣，又不肯堅決戰斗，導致了他把持久戰線拉得過長，反而忽視了重返亞太這一重點，只能藉助日本、菲律賓等國家在第一島鏈跟中國鬧鬧，自己也不肯給多少支援，嘴巴上含含糊糊，既怕讓盟友不高興，又怕讓中國得勢，得不到什麼實質的效果。可以預見的結果就是中國進一步坐大，威脅美帝。
總的來說，奧巴馬既不懂得集中力量的道理，也沒有一往直前的堅決，亦不能抓住重點。他往往看到機會便沉不住氣，挑起事端，卻又在事端進程中不夠堅決，唯唯諾諾，最後搞得事態拖延並惡化，戰線不斷；拉長。而對於關鍵事物，他缺乏敏感、不按計劃辦事，以小誤大。希望對你有幫助！！！！

『柒』 奧巴馬出總統回憶錄，書中是如何評價中國的

奧巴馬出總統回憶錄，書中奧巴馬是這樣評論中國的，他認為處於貧窮的中首弊國比處於繁榮昌盛的中國對美國更加的有威脅，認為中國的地位相當的有優亂謹勢，而且對中國者陪族存在著一定的戒心。

『捌』 奧巴馬說中國人過上美國人的生活是全球的災難，那中國將如何應對和破解

最好的辦法就是灶攔美國人既然想過自己的生活，那就在自己美國過生活，不要讓別人知道。你隱臘胡美國有大鼻屎大游泳池，不要弄得全世界都炫耀。否則其他國家的人也要過美國的生活，就不要怪誰了，那是正常的。打個比方，你有錢就放在銀行，不用拿出來炫耀局拍。窮人可以炫耀，窮人的炫耀是環保的。