奥巴马对中国说过什么话

‘壹’ 奥巴马中国行时说了一句文言文，请求这句话的原话（英语）还有古文的意译

：“Thousands of years ago, the great philosopher Mencius said：‘A trail through the mountains, if used, becomes a path in a short time, but, if unused, becomes blocked by grass in an equally short time.’” (山径之蹊间，介做闭然用之而成路；为间不用，则茅塞之矣闭铅。今茅塞子之心矣 —《孟子•纯态裂尽心下》)。

‘贰’ 奥巴马访华说：“美中两国有很多重要的共同利益”这句话原文是怎样说的

Below are the full remarks, as prepared for delivery and released by the White House:

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Good morning. It is a great honor to welcome you to the first meeting of the Strategic Economic Dialogue between the United States and China. This is an essential step in advancing a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship between our countries. I'm pleased that President Hu shares my commitment to a sustained dialogue to enhance our shared interests.

President Hu and I both felt that it was important to get our relationship off to a good start. Of course, as a new President and also as a basketball fan, I have learned from the words of Yao Ming, who said, "No matter whether you are new or an old team member, you need time to adjust to one another." Well, through the constructive meetings that we've already had, and through this dialogue, I'm confident that we will meet Yao's standard.

I want to acknowledge the remarkable American and Chinese leaders who will co-chair this effort. Hillary Clinton and Tim Geithner are two of my closest advisors, and they have both obtained extraordinary experience working with China. And I know that they will have extremely capable and committed Chinese counterparts in State Councilor Dai and Vice Premier Wang. Thank you very much for being here.

I'm also looking forward to the confirmation of an outstanding U.S. Ambassador to China, Governor Jon Huntsman, who is here today. (Applause.) Jon has deep experience living and working in Asia, and -- unlike me -- he speaks fluent Mandarin Chinese. He also happens to be a Republican who co-chaired Senator McCain's campaign. And I think that demonstrates Jon's commitment to serving his country, and the broad, bipartisan support for positive and proctive relations between the United States and China. So thank you, Jon, for your willingness to serve.

Today, we meet in a building that speaks to the history of the last century. It houses a national memorial to President Woodrow Wilson, a man who held office when the 20th century was still young, and America's leadership in the world was emerging. It is named for Ronald Reagan, a man who came of age ring two World Wars, and whose presidency helped usher in a new era of history. And it holds a piece of the Berlin Wall, a decades-long symbol of division that was finally torn down, unleashing a rising tide of globalization that continues to shape our world.

One hundred years ago -- in the early days of the 20th century -- it was clear that there were momentous choices to be made -- choices about the borders of nations and the rights of human beings. But in Woodrow Wilson's day, no one could have foreseen the arc of history that led to a wall coming down in Berlin, nor could they have imagined the conflict and upheaval that characterized the years in between. For people everywhere -- from Boston to Beijing -- the 20th century was a time of great progress, but that progress also came with a great price.

Today, we look out on the horizon of a new century. And as we launch this dialogue, it's important for us to reflect upon the questions that will shape the 21st century. Will growth be stalled by events like our current financial crisis, or will we cooperate to create balanced and sustainable growth, lifting more people out of poverty and creating a broader prosperity around the world? Will the need for energy breed competition and climate change, or will we build partnerships to proce clean power and to protect our planet? Will nuclear weapons spread unchecked, or will we forge a new consensus to use this power for only peaceful purposes? Will extremists be able to stir conflict and division, or will we unite on behalf of our shared security? Will nations and peoples define themselves solely by their differences, or can we find common ground necessary to meet our common challenges, and to respect the dignity of every human being?

We can't predict with certainty what the future will bring, but we can be certain about the issues that will define our times. And we also know this: The relationship between the United States and China will shape the 21st century, which makes it as important as any bilateral relationship in the world. That really must underpin our partnership. That is the responsibility that together we bear.

As we look to the future, we can learn from our past -- for history shows us that both our nations benefit from engagement that is grounded in mutual interest and mutual respect. During my time in office, we will mark the 40th anniversary of President Nixon's trip to China. At that time, the world was much different than it is today. America had fought three wars in East Asia in just 30 years, and the Cold War was in a stalemate. China's economy was cut off from the world, and a huge percentage of the Chinese people lived in extreme poverty.

Back then, our dialogue was guided by a narrow focus on our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a comprehensive relationship that reflects the deepening ties among our people. Our countries have now shared relations for longer than we were estranged. Our people interact in so many ways. And I believe that we are poised to make steady progress on some of the most important issues of our times.

My confidence is rooted in the fact that the United States and China share mutual interests. If we advance those interests through cooperation, our people will benefit and the world will be better off -- because our ability to partner with each other is a prerequisite for progress on many of the most pressing global challenges.

Let me name some of those challenges. First, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in a lasting economic recovery. The current crisis has made it clear that the choices made within our borders reverberate across the global economy -- and this is true not just in New York and Seattle, but in Shanghai and Shenzhen, as well. That is why we must remain committed to strong bilateral and multilateral coordination. And that is the example we have set by acting aggressively to restore growth, to prevent a deeper recession and to save jobs for our people.

Going forward, we can deepen this cooperation. We can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform. We can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced Doha Round agreement. We can update international institutions so that growing economies like China play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility. And as Americans save more and Chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation -- because just as China has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, China can also be an enormous market for American goods.

Second, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a clean, secure, and prosperous energy future. The United States and China are the two largest consumers of energy in the world. We are also the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world. Let's be frank: Neither of us profits from a growing dependence on foreign oil, nor can we spare our people from the ravages of climate change unless we cooperate. Common sense calls upon us to act in concert.

Both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies. Together we can chart a low carbon recovery; we can expand joint efforts at research and development to promote the clean and efficient use of energy; and we can work together to forge a global response at the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen and beyond. And the best way to foster the innovation that can increase our security and prosperity is to keep our markets open to new ideas, new exchanges, and new sources of energy.

Third, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. Make no mistake: The more nations acquire these weapons, the more likely it is that they will be used. Neither America nor China has an interest in a terrorist acquiring a bomb, or a nuclear arms race breaking out in East Asia. That is why we must continue our collaboration to achieve the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and make it clear to North Korea that the path to security and respect can be traveled if they meet their obligations. And that is why we must also be united in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and urging the Islamic Republic to live up to its international obligations.

This is not about singling out any one nation -- it is about the responsibility of all nations. Together, we must cooperate to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world, which will be a focus of our Global Nuclear Summit next year. And together, we must strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty by renewing its basic bargain: countries with nuclear weapons will move towards disarmament; countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them; and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy. A balance of terror cannot hold. In the 21st century, a strong and global regime is the only basis for security from the world's deadliest weapons.

And fourth, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in confronting transnational threats. The most pressing dangers we face no longer come from competition among great powers -- they come from extremists who would murder innocents; from traffickers and pirates who pursue their own profits at the expense of others; from diseases that know no borders; and from suffering and civil wars that breed instability and terror. These are the threats of the 21st century. And that is why the pursuit of power among nations must no longer be seen as a zero-sum game. Progress -- including security -- must be shared.

Through increased ties between our militaries, we can diminish causes for dispute while providing a framework for cooperation. Through continued intelligence-sharing, we can disrupt terrorist plots and dismantle terrorist networks. Through early warning and coordination, we can check the spread of disease. And through determined diplomacy, we must meet our responsibility to seek the peaceful resolution of conflict -- and that can begin with a renewed push to end the suffering in Darfur, and to promote a comprehensive peace in Sudan.

All of these issues are rooted in the fact that no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor effectively advance its interests in isolation. It is this fundamental truth that compels us to cooperate. I have no illusion that the United States and China will agree on every issue, nor choose to see the world in the same way. This was already noted by our previous speaker. But that only makes dialogue more important -- so that we can know each other better, and communicate our concerns with candor.

For instance, the United States respects the progress that China has made by lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. Just as we respect China's ancient and remarkable culture, its remarkable achievements, we also strongly believe that the religion and culture of all peoples must be respected and protected, and that all people should be free to speak their minds. And that includes ethnic and religious minorities in China, as surely as it includes minorities within the United States.

Support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in America. Our nation is made up of immigrants from every part of the world. We have protected our unity and struggled to perfect our union by extending basic rights to all our people. And those rights include the freedom to speak your mind, to worship your God, and to choose your leaders. These are not things that we seek to impose -- this is who we are. It guides our openness to one another and to the world.

China has its own distinct story that shapes its own worldview. And Americans know the richness of China's history because it helped to shape the world and it helped to shape America. We know the talent of the Chinese people because they have helped to create this great country. My own Cabinet contains two Chinese Americans. And we know that despite our differences, America is enriched through deeper ties with a country of 1.3 billion people that is at once ancient and dynamic -- ties that can be forged through increased exchanges among our people, and constructive bilateral relations between our governments. That is how we will narrow our divisions.

Let us be honest: We know that some are wary of the future. Some in China think that America will try to contain China's ambitions; some in America think that there is something to fear in a rising China. I take a different view. And I believe President Hu takes a different view, as well. I believe in a future where China is a strong, prosperous and successful member of the community of nations; a future when our nations are partners out of necessity, but also out of opportunity. This future is not fixed, but it is a destination that can be reached if we pursue a sustained dialogue like the one that you will commence today, and act on what we hear and what we learn.

Thousands of years ago, the great philosopher Mencius said: "A trail through the mountains, if used, becomes a path in a short time, but, if unused, becomes blocked by grass in an equally short time." Our task is to forge a path to the future that we seek for our children -- to prevent mistrust or the inevitable differences of the moment from allowing that trail to be blocked by grass; to always be mindful of the journey that we are undertaking together.

This dialogue will help determine the ultimate destination of that journey. It represents a commitment to shape our young century through sustained cooperation, and not confrontation. I look forward to carrying this effort forward through my first visit to China, where I hope to come to know better your leaders, your people, and your majestic country. Together, I'm confident that we can move steadily in the direction of progress, and meet our responsibility to our people and to the future that we will all share.

Thank you very much. (Applause.)

‘叁’ 奥巴马说中国14亿人，不配拥有美国人的生活方式，他为啥这样说

奥巴马是美国的前前任总统，他曾经来中国访问过几次，而且还被中国网民起了一个比较文艺的名字，叫奥观海，表面上看起来，奥巴马跟中国比较友好，可实际上奥巴马却对中国有很多的异常看法，奥巴马曾经制定过一个所谓的TPP计划，简单来说就是将中国孤立起来，拉拢其他国家，遏制中国的发展，不让中国实现崛起。奥巴马甚至还在一次媒体采访中表示，14亿中国人，不配拥有美国人现在的生活方式，他为何会这么说呢？

平心而论，奥巴马所在的美国确实有很多的问题，他们应该早点反思自己的所作所为，尽可能的改变自己的生活方式，节省自然资源，避免对自然环境造成破坏。如果他们继续按照现在的生活方式，肆意妄为的话，早晚会引来致命的灾难。我们应该以美国的情况为反面教材，引以为戒，不要做出跟他们一样愚蠢的事情，同时我们也应该积极采取行动，帮助美国尽快解决问题，不要让他们继续挥霍。

‘肆’ 奥巴马说，如果让十三亿中国人过上我们一样的生活，那将是一种灾难！那谁能告诉我，中国人过上好日子就是

意思是森举袭全球的资源就是这么多，如果让中国人用了对美国和整个西方世界来说就是一场巨大的灾难！所以美国和整个西方是以灭亡中国，灭亡中国人为第一要务的，会用尽政治，军事，外交，甚至是生物武器，所以国人一定要擦亮眼睛，美帝亡我之心不死，以前不会死，现在不会死，将来更不会死！不会因为更换总统而发生任何改变，这是它的国策。对它再好，掏心掏肺都是没用的，它还此兄是会吃人的，所以我们要抛弃一切对美国答袭的幻想，不是美帝死就死我们亡，没有第二条路！

‘伍’ 应当怎样解读奥巴马的对华政策

奥巴马的对华政策的主导性文件列举了经济、政治、军事、环境等等多方面的问题，可以说是中美关系的一个清单。关于中国经济，奥巴马说：“如果中国希望继续保持稳定而持久的经济发展，就必须作出一些根本上的调整。”他批评中国的发展不均衡，希望中国政府能够继续扩大内需。而在中美经贸关系上，奥巴马认为核心的问题是中国必须改变汇率政策。他说：“由于中国认为地制定低货币汇率政策，使中国经常性地保持了巨大的国际收支顺差。”所以，他上台之后会利用一切可行的外交途径来推动中国改变货币政策。另外，他还批评了中国方面对知识产权的侵权行为，以及对外国投资实施的歧视性法规。

麦凯恩的政策文件简短而集中，经贸问题占据了主要的篇幅。他认为，对华关系是美国面临的主要挑战之一。下一届总统必须优先考虑扩大美国与亚洲的经济关系。他批评民主党的对手，说他们害怕亚洲的经济活力，因而提倡设旅灶立贸易保护主义壁垒的做法。他说：“美国从来没有通过放弃自由贸易而赢得过尊重或者创造出就业机会，我们现在也不能这样去做。”不过麦凯恩也提出，中国必须实现开放市场的承诺，并且保证执行国际贸易规则、保护知识产权、降低制造业关税、货币汇率向市场化过渡。在环境问题上，麦凯恩提出美国可以向各个发展中国家提供控制碳排放的技术。

在这两位总统候选人的政策文件的字里行间中，人们可以看到有三个大的利益集团在对华政策上有重大的影响，而仔细研究者两个短短的文件，也能够推测到不同的政党在执政后会采用什么样的方针。这三个影响最大的利益集团分别是工商界、劳工界、环境保护主义者。

在全球化的大环境下，两党从原则上都支持中美之间贸易关系的发展，这也是美国工商界的主流一直在寻求的目标。但是，民主党与劳工届与环保人士的关系显然比拆举扮共和党远为深厚，因此对贸易提出的条件也要多得多。

劳工界是贸易保护呼声最高的地方。在过去十年中，劳工界一直强调，全球化特别是对华贸易的增加导致了美国工作大量外流，制造业起码失去了三百多万个岗位。工会不断在通过各种政治渠道，要求树立贸易壁垒。由于工会能够左右大约百分之二十的选票，历来是民答困主党的票仓，而且在一些最重要的所谓“摇摆州”——包括俄亥俄、宾夕法尼亚、密西根等工业重镇——中力量强大，所以民主党的候选人不敢忽视劳工界的要求。（民主党的许多国会议员近年来也总是在要求中国提高汇率。）奥巴马的文件中之所以强调货币汇率问题，正是为了顺应劳工界。

环保人士同样多是民主党的拥趸。近年来，劳工界与环保界在贸易保护问题上联手颇多，许多环保团体也得到了劳工组织的大量金钱和政治的资助。环保团体多强调通过政府的干预来实现环保的目标，包括在国内的法律法规以及国际贸易中的各种协议。所以，在奥巴马的文件中着重提到的是温室气体排放协议和国家之间的合作关系。

共和党与工商界关系相对比较密切，与劳工界历来不睦。麦凯恩直截了当地批评任何设置贸易壁垒的意图，就反映了这种长期的政治分合关系。这位言语直率的共和党人不久前在密西根州对汽车工人说，失去的工作不可能再回来。因此，在这个文件中，麦凯恩提出解决失业的办法是对工人进行再培训，帮助他们找到新的就业机会。

在引人注目的环保问题上，共和党主张更多地依赖市场及技术革新而不是政府的法规或者协议，因此在麦凯恩的中国政策文件中，人们看到他专门提到低碳技术转让的问题。

最后需要指出的是，民主党和共和党的文件中都体现了一种共同的精神，亦即希望与中国继续发展合作性的关系，尽管他们也都承认，两国关系面临着不少困难的挑战。“美中两国之间的双边经济关系是全球最大、最重要的经济关系之一。美国与中国分别是世界第一大和第三大贸易国。最近几年，中国已经成为美国增长最快的主要出口市场。”奥巴马文件中的这段话，基本上总结了中美经贸关系发展的现状。而麦凯恩的文件中的一段话，则反映了美国对华经贸关系的基本精神：“中国和美国并非注定是对手。我们有许多共同利益，我希望看到两国的关系朝着对双边、进而对亚太地区和全世界都有利的方向发展。”

‘陆’ 奥巴马对中国怎么样

个人认为：奥巴马上任之初，就主张从阿富汗、伊拉克撤军，转移战略中心，重返亚太。实际上对美国而言这个思路是没问题的。如果按照这个思路下去，我相信美国的处境会好不少。但是奥巴马是个沉不住气的人，他看到阿拉伯世界似乎有变动的趋向，立即去支持阿拉伯之春，打着民主旗号借助教派斗争去扩张西方势力，结果在叙利亚遭遇久攻不下。此时奥巴马偏偏不坚决，最后还是普京搞了个销毁化武让奥黑有台阶下，最后叙利亚政府军逐渐控制住局面。这还没完，美国横加干涉中东，如今终于搞出了ISIS，让奥巴马不得不在中东趟入浑水，进退维谷。
而乌克兰危机就更是美国的一大战略失误。奥巴马显然没有意识到最重要的两点：一是乌克兰是俄罗斯作为大国存在的战略基石，保住乌克兰对俄罗斯来说就是背水一战，二是俄罗斯目前依然是个强大的国家，在乌克兰、黑海更是占据明显的力量优势。奥巴马见乌克兰国内有变，以为可以就此向东推进直插俄罗斯心脏，没想到把一个最擅长背水一战的强国逼到了背水一战的境地，结果仍然是遭遇久攻不下，而且关键时刻又服软，让西方在乌克兰形势不妙，还被普京抢光了风头。
奥巴马分别在中东和乌克兰沉不住气，又不肯坚决战斗，导致了他把持久战线拉得过长，反而忽视了重返亚太这一重点，只能借助日本、菲律宾等国家在第一岛链跟中国闹闹，自己也不肯给多少支援，嘴巴上含含糊糊，既怕让盟友不高兴，又怕让中国得势，得不到什么实质的效果。可以预见的结果就是中国进一步坐大，威胁美帝。
总的来说，奥巴马既不懂得集中力量的道理，也没有一往直前的坚决，亦不能抓住重点。他往往看到机会便沉不住气，挑起事端，却又在事端进程中不够坚决，唯唯诺诺，最后搞得事态拖延并恶化，战线不断；拉长。而对于关键事物，他缺乏敏感、不按计划办事，以小误大。希望对你有帮助！！！！

‘柒’ 奥巴马出总统回忆录，书中是如何评价中国的

奥巴马出总统回忆录，书中奥巴马是这样评论中国的，他认为处于贫穷的中首弊国比处于繁荣昌盛的中国对美国更加的有威胁，认为中国的地位相当的有优乱谨势，而且对中国者陪族存在着一定的戒心。

‘捌’ 奥巴马说中国人过上美国人的生活是全球的灾难，那中国将如何应对和破解

最好的办法就是灶拦美国人既然想过自己的生活，那就在自己美国过生活，不要让别人知道。你隐腊胡美国有大鼻屎大游泳池，不要弄得全世界都炫耀。否则其他国家的人也要过美国的生活，就不要怪谁了，那是正常的。打个比方，你有钱就放在银行，不用拿出来炫耀局拍。穷人可以炫耀，穷人的炫耀是环保的。